Part I
A Constitutional Issue
In a post several weeks ago I commented about several construction projects that the U.S. has committed itself. One specific project is the building of 2 “super madrassas” in Afghanistan. The U.S. has a history of building mosques and madrassas in foreign lands. The direct involvement by the U.S. government in this project, and similar ones throughout the middle east, is clearly in violation of the Establishment Clause contained in the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. This article explains why a legal challenge to these projects can, and should, be made immediately.
Madrassas
Madrassas are Islamic religious schools. The Congressional Research Service defines a madrassa as follows:
The Arabic word madrasa (plural: madaris) generally has two meanings: (1) in its more common literal and colloquial usage, it simply means “school”; 2) in its secondary meaning, a madrasa is an educational institution offering instruction in Islamic subjects including, but not limited to, the Quran, the sayings (hadith) of the prophet Muhammad, jurisprudence (fiqh), and law.
There are an estimated 10,000 - 13,000 unregistered madrassas in Pakistan teaching an estimated 1.7 to 1.9 million students according to Wikipedia and the CRS article linked above. Four years ago Pakistan President Musharaff acknowledged the problems faced by having so many of these active madrassas throughout the country. He acknowledged that some of the private Islamic schools had become breeding grounds for “intolerance and hatred” (The Asia Times).
Madrassas no doubt teach intolerance and hatred for infidel westerners and Jews, particularly American infidel soldiers in who are viewed as enemies of Allah occupying muslim lands in the Dar al-harb in Afghanistan. Madrassas are, in essence, jihad training schools.
The idea of building “super madrassas” is to prevent young Afghan muslim males from travelling to Pakistan where the more fundamental, and therefore more dangerous to western interests, version of Islam is taught. The theory is that building maddrassas in Afghanistan allows their government, along with U.S. funding sponsors, to better control the curriculum of these schools to assure that a softer and gentler form of Islam is taught and lead young Afghan muslims males to a more acceptable view of the United States and westerners. After all, we are told, that we are in a war of ideas and it is important to win over the hearts and minds of all those ordinary mom’s and dads that inhabit so many Islamic countries.
I first read of U.S. participation in the mosque and madrassa building enterprise in a JihadWatch essay last May by Hugh Fitzgerald entitled “ The Terminal Naivete’ of Westerners“. More recently, there was an update posted at the Daniel Pipes website where a section is dedicated to following the issue of U.S. involvement in madrassa construction projects (tracking since 2004). In the Telegraph article linked in the Fitzgerald essay, the reporter states that American Forces are building 2 “super madrassas that will accommodate 1,000 boys each”. It also says “The American government is also paying for the refurbishment of mosques in the area, in the hope of winning over religious leaders.” That story was updated by this Financial Times article of January 30, 2008, which is discussed at the Daniel Pipes website. It proves that these projects are still in the works.
Yes, we are involved in a war of ideas and winning hearts and minds is much less violent than winning by forceful, military means. But does winning “hearts and minds” mean that the Constitution is thrown under the bus?
In Part II of this essay I will address the reasons why such a plan is wasteful and unachieveable. For now, though, I will address the Constitutionality of these projects.
Can a Case Be Made to Enjoin further madrassa and mosque building?
Yes it can, and, it appears, quite easily so. Why no suit has yet been filed is quite a mystery. As Hugh Fitzgerald urges at the end of his essay:
“Where is the Constitutional challenge to this? There is a case to be brought. Bring it, you pro-bono-seeking lawyers you. Enter the casebooks. Enter history.”
Anyone with an urge to “enter history” take note: The law appears to be lopsidedly on your side and the chances of entering history are markedly in your favor. There is, in my opinion, and as shown below, little by way of a legal defense to these projects. Existing jurisprudence is strongly against the government and clearly in favor a challenge(r).
Why so easy? As both essayist Pipes and Fitzgerald observe, and as any non-lawyer can easily discern from a plain reading of the First Amendment to the Constitutional, there is clearly a stated prohibition against the government being involved in the establishment of religion.
The First Amendment is a part of the United States Bill of Rights. It prohibits the federal legislature from making laws “respecting an establishment of religion” (the “Establishment Clause“) or that prohibit free exercise of religion (the “Free Exercise Clause“), laws that infringe the freedom of speech, infringe the freedom of the press, limit the right to assemble peaceably, or limit the right to petition the government for a redress of grievances. (summary courtesy Wikipedia)
It is the Establishment Cause that proscribes the U.S. Government’s involvement in these construction projects. There couldn’t be a much clearer involvement by the government by supplying both the direct funding and supervision for the building of Islamic religious schools and places of worship. There is NO DOUBT that construction of these building would not be tolerated if occurring within in the territorial borders of United States. The fact that there is such direct and openly admitted policy in constructing these religious institutions is brazen to say the least.
Law on Topic
The Establishment Clause test:
Lemon V. Kurtzman
A Supreme Court decision that sets forth the test for determining whether a particular government action violates the establishment clause. A state action that does NOT violate the clause:
a.) has a secular purpose;
b.) has a principal or primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion; and
a.) will not result in an excessive government entanglement with religion.
If disallowing prayer in school, invocations before public meetings, and use of the phrase “one nation under God” can violate the first amendment under the Lemon test, certainly the direct funding and construction of mosques and madrassas fail the test as well.
Standing to sue, a special case
Of interest to anyone wondering about entering history and the qualifications needed to file a lawsuit and take on the Executive Branch, the Administration, the Pentagon and the State Department, be not afraid. If you are a U.S. taxpaying citizen you are qualified. Standing to sue is a legal prerequisite for proceeding in any lawsuit. That is, one must have a real injury or right that has been infringed to bring a case before the court. Of course, there are exceptions, or relaxations, to every rule.
In Establishment Clause cases if you are a U.S. tax payer, you qualify. Any U.S. citizen taxpayer interested in stopping the involvement of the government in building these Islamic institutions can bring such a suit. (Flast v. Cohen). One need not belong to a politically active religious group, or an anti-religous group; no requirement that the Plaintiff be an atheist. Amazingly, ANY U.S. CITIZEN TAXPAYER HAS STANDING TO SUE THE GOVERNMENT ON A ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE CLAIM!
Now that we know anyone can sue, what are the chances anyone winning and why? Getting into court to get a judge to hear your case in one thing, getting him to rule in your favor is another. But if success depends on whether the law is on your side, the odds are certainly on the side of a challenger to these construction projects.
Legal precedents
Q. What makes the direct U.S. Government participation in the construction of religious schools and places of worship so different about these projects?
A. They are being built in a foreign country. Other than that there is no difference.
Thus, the only argument in defense of these projects must be that the prohibitions against direct involvement of the government in building religious schools and places of worship set forth in the First Amendment, does not apply to such direct involvement when it takes place outside the territorial borders of the country.
The issue of the extent to which the Constitution applies beyond the physical boundaries of the U.S. has been addressed previously by the Courts, including the Supreme Court.
Reid v. Covert
In Covert a U.S. citizen spouse of a military officer stationed in England was charged with a murder committed in England and was convicted by a military tribunal. The issue in the case that was before the Supreme Court was whether the defendant lost her constitutional rights ( against self incrimination and jury trial) under the 5th and 6th Amendments because the crime occurred in England. The Court decided that the rights of U.S. citizens extend beyond the physical borders of the U.S. and are still entitled to a trial by jury even when the offense is committed in a foreign country.
Lamont v. Woods
Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit held in Woods that the Establishment Clause indeed applied to USAID expenditures on overseas programs. Woods involved the USAID program for American Schools and Hospitals Abroad. A group of taxpayers challenged a set of grants to American sponsors of specific foreign schools, many of which were religious in character. The Court of Appeals rejected the government’s argument that the Establishment Clause does not apply to overseas expenditures. Instead, the Court ruled that the Clause protects American taxpayers from having government monies spent for the purpose of promoting religion anywhere in the world. (Woods summary courtesy The Roundtable )
The Woods case did not make it to the Supreme Court because the U.S. Government decided NOT to appeal the decision. That is a common strategy for the government to take when it realizes the law is clearly NOT on their side and they prefer to allow a lower court decision stand rather than taking the risk of a wider ranging adverse decision issued from the U.S. Supreme Court.
Quite interestingly, the very topic of the propriety of the U.S. Government using American tax dollars to build religious institutions in the face of the establishment clause was addressed head-on in a Georgetown Law School student in a Law Review article entitled “Mullahs on a Bus: The Establishment Clause and U.S. Foreign Aid, by Jessica Powley Hayden. The article discusses all of the laws on the topic in a very thorough and scholarly way. Not an easy read for non-lawyers so I’ll give you the bottom-line conclusion: The practice of the U.S. Government funding religious institutions in foreign lands is ripe for Constitutional Challenge, and, if such a challenge was made, the existing constitutional law is NOT on the side of the government.
Remarkably, Hayden also wonders why no lawsuit has been filed to stop the government’s involvement with religious activities overseas. She clearly agrees that the current practice of funding religious training overseas is facially at odds with the establishment clause and existing jurisprudence, but the thesis of her article is that existing law should be ignored and a new doctrinal interpretation of the constitution should be adopted. Now THAT would be history.
Hayden seems to anticipate the very type of lawsuit I speculate about here. She attempts to provide a legal theory of defense to the government’s action. Hayden claims that only individual rights are entitled to the protection of the Constitution when those rights are violated outside the borders of the country, and so-called “structural restraints” on the government (such as the limitation on government involvement in the establishment of religion) do not apply when the executive branch creates foreign policy. Hayden also openly admits that she is in favor of the Government funding projects overseas that would otherwise be clearly in violation of the establishment clause.
Hayden’s article is nothing more than a well articulated defense in advance of a potential establishment clause challenge such as the one discussed herein. While the article is well researched and written, it’s argument is quite a stretch of logic. The writer acknowledges the difficulty the government would have in defending such an action.
The bottom-line is that given the current state of the law this area of constitutional law is ripe for a challenge. The law is definitely in favor of any challenger and if I was the U.S. Government, I would seriously worry about committing to further plans to build these mosques and madrassas.
Someone is likely to bring a lawsuit against the government soon. I hope they do. I hope they win.
In Part II, I will discuss why building mosques and madrassas in an immense waste of taxpayer dollars.